Think Tanks
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Center of the American Experiment Issues Commentary: Gov. Walz Admits That Approvals for Minnesota's Paid Family and Medical Leave Scheme are Running 30% Above Forecast
MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 2 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on May 1, 2026, by economist John Phelan:
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Gov. Walz admits that approvals for Minnesota's Paid Family and Medical Leave scheme are running 30% above forecast
Since it launched, as and when the data have become available, I have been tracking the performance of Minnesota's Paid Family and Medical Leave (PFML) scheme against the forecasts on which it is based. Back in 2023, a daily rate of approvals of 352
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MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 2 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on May 1, 2026, by economist John Phelan:
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Gov. Walz admits that approvals for Minnesota's Paid Family and Medical Leave scheme are running 30% above forecast
Since it launched, as and when the data have become available, I have been tracking the performance of Minnesota's Paid Family and Medical Leave (PFML) scheme against the forecasts on which it is based. Back in 2023, a daily rate of approvals of 352(128,338 / 365) was forecast.
The last update came from the Star Tribune, which reported on April 20 that "The state approved 42,750 requests and denied 19,250 as of March 31." That works out at a daily approval rate of 475 (42,750 / 90), or 35% above forecast.
A fresh update from an unexpected source shows that this number is still way above forecast.
In his final his final State of the State speech delivered on Tuesday night, Gov. Walz said:
"Since Paid Leave officially launched on January 1, we've approved more than 54,000 applications for people to take time--to bond with a new child, to take care of a family member, to serve their community."
That works out at a daily approval rate of 458 (54,000 / 118), or 30% above forecast, as Figure 1 shows.
Figure 1: Average daily approval rate for Paid Family and Medical Leave
This is a step in the right direction, to be sure, but with actual use of the scheme outstripping forecasts by nearly a third, working Minnesotans might still be in line for a tax hike this summer.
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John Phelan is an Economist at the Center of the American Experiment.
john.phelan@americanexperiment.org
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Original text here: https://www.americanexperiment.org/gov-walz-admits-that-approvals-for-minnesotas-paid-family-and-medical-leave-scheme-are-running-30-above-forecast/
[Category: ThinkTank]
Center of the American Experiment Issues Commentary: Food-scandal-linked Nonprofit Gets City Grant
MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 2 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on May 1, 2026, by policy fellow Bill Glahn:
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Food-scandal-linked nonprofit gets city grant
The City of Minneapolis announced yesterday the awarding of $1 million in grants for "recovery of local businesses" after Operation Metro Surge. Of course, none of the money went to actual businesses; all of it was awarded to nonprofits, mostly neighborhood associations.
Curiously, one recipient receiving a taxpayer-funded
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MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 2 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on May 1, 2026, by policy fellow Bill Glahn:
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Food-scandal-linked nonprofit gets city grant
The City of Minneapolis announced yesterday the awarding of $1 million in grants for "recovery of local businesses" after Operation Metro Surge. Of course, none of the money went to actual businesses; all of it was awarded to nonprofits, mostly neighborhood associations.
Curiously, one recipient receiving a taxpayer-fundedgrant of $35,000 was the Minneapolis Foundation, a charity that holds more than $1 billion (with a "b") in net assets. The money seems to be flowing in the wrong direction in this instance.
Another grantee is a nonprofit named the New American Development Center (NADC), who received $18,000 from the City. If that name sounds familiar, you may have seen this March KARE-11 report under the headline,
"Meal site sponsor who billed taxpayers $7.8 million received another $1 million even after the state ordered money paid back."
During the Covid period, NADC operated an independent free-food distribution site, under that same program once utilized by Feeding Our Future, and overseen by the state Dept. of Education (MDE).
"NADC billed the food program $7.8 million, of which MDE determined that $1.1 million was overbilled. KARE-11 reports that NADC is in the process of paying the money back."
KARE-11 also notes that since then, the state legislature (then-all-Democrat-controlled) gave NADC an additional $1 million in grant money. Now the City of Minneapolis has thrown another $18,000 onto the pile.
Your tax dollars at work.
Raguse himself put out a video on the subject this evening,
[View image in the link at bottom.]
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Bill Glahn is a Policy Fellow with Center of the American Experiment.
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Original text here: https://www.americanexperiment.org/food-scandal-linked-nonprofit-gets-city-grant/
[Category: ThinkTank]
Center of the American Experiment Issues Commentary: Dr. Oz Withholds Another $91 Million in Minnesota Medicaid Payments That 'Don't Look Right'
MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 2 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on May 1, 2026, by policy fellow Matt Dean:
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Dr. Oz withholds another $91 million in Minnesota Medicaid payments that 'don't look right'
In a significant escalation of efforts to combat fraud, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) under Administrator Dr. Mehmet Oz has deferred an additional $91 million in federal Medicaid funding to Minnesota. The announcement was made today, April 30, 2026.
This
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MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 2 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on May 1, 2026, by policy fellow Matt Dean:
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Dr. Oz withholds another $91 million in Minnesota Medicaid payments that 'don't look right'
In a significant escalation of efforts to combat fraud, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) under Administrator Dr. Mehmet Oz has deferred an additional $91 million in federal Medicaid funding to Minnesota. The announcement was made today, April 30, 2026.
Thisfollows an earlier deferral of approximately $259 million for Q4 FY 2025 expenditures. This week, the FBI also raided more than 20 businesses, including the infamous "Learning Center" childcare center that became a national meme for fraud in Minnesota.
Of the latest $91 million withheld, roughly $14-15 million may relate to claims involving individuals lacking satisfactory immigration status, while about $76 million ties to 14 high-risk service categories that are highly vulnerable to fraud. Illegal immigrants are barred form Medicaid. But the unusual way Minnesota treats public dollars for health care on this group goes a long way to help explain exactly how this state became a fraud magnet.
Dr. Oz emphasized Medicaid's fundamental purpose: "At CMS our responsibility is clear: the federal government covers more than half of Medicaid payments, which means we have both the duty and the authority to make sure these funds are used properly."
[View image in the link at bottom.]
The Center of the American Experiment has detailed how a controversial Minnesota plan to cover healthcare costs for undocumented immigrants was quickly overwhelmed by enrollment and mired in questionable entanglements with ineligible federal funding. The Walz administration's guidance offered immediate enrollment in taxpayer-provided health care to undocumented immigrants -- even if they had previously lied about their immigration status to obtain Medicaid. The estimated cost of providing care to 20,000 illegal immigrants for one year was $104 million.
The MinnesotaCare (MNCare) program that paid for the health care of illegal immigrants was supposed to be funded exclusively with segregated state-only dollars. However, the Health Care Access Fund -- from which the money was drawn -- is notorious for mixing state and federal money and diverting it to all kinds of non-healthcare spending.
The $14 million withheld for improper payments to undocumented immigrants is important for two reasons.
First, Minnesotans are struggling with out-of-control health insurance costs. It is simply unfair that Minnesota families go without coverage so that others can cheat the system and obtain millions in taxpayer dollars meant for the poor.
Second, it highlights why Minnesota has become a national center for public program fraud. Those in charge did more than look the other way -- they enabled it, cheered it on, and actively designed a system that invited fraud and made it hard to find.
In the November 7, 2024, bulletin titled "Expanding MinnesotaCare Eligibility to Include Undocumented Individuals," the Walz administration created a pathway for anyone to enroll in free MNCare with almost no chance of detection if they simply claimed to have no Social Security number or income history. Those enrollees faced no additional review and received immediate coverage.
Dr. Oz has promised to "not pay claims that don't meet federal standards." He concluded: "Medicaid exists to protect our most vulnerable citizens and we have an obligation to protect it." It is not yet clear where the $14 million was flagged, but (like most fraud in Minnesota) feels a lot like the tip of an iceberg.
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Matt Dean is a Policy Fellow at Center of the American Experiment.
matt.dean@americanexperiment.org
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Original text here: https://www.americanexperiment.org/dr-oz-withholds-another-91-million-in-minnesota-medicaid-payments-for-that-dont-look-right/
[Category: ThinkTank]
Hudson Institute Issues Commentary to Providence Magazine: Centrality of Religious Freedom
WASHINGTON, May 1 -- Hudson Institute, a research organization that says it promotes leadership for a secure, free and prosperous future, issued the following commentary on April 29, 2026, by Paul Marshall, senior fellow at the Center for Religious Freedom, to Providence magazine:
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The Centrality of Religious Freedom
llan Hertzke's Why Religious Freedom Matters: Human Rights and Human Flourishing is a welcome overview of the vital importance of religious freedom by a veteran writer of informed studies on the subject over the last 30 years.
The book comes at a critical time since both religious
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WASHINGTON, May 1 -- Hudson Institute, a research organization that says it promotes leadership for a secure, free and prosperous future, issued the following commentary on April 29, 2026, by Paul Marshall, senior fellow at the Center for Religious Freedom, to Providence magazine:
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The Centrality of Religious Freedom
llan Hertzke's Why Religious Freedom Matters: Human Rights and Human Flourishing is a welcome overview of the vital importance of religious freedom by a veteran writer of informed studies on the subject over the last 30 years.
The book comes at a critical time since both religiousfreedom and knowledge of its salience are both sadly being eroded. He reviews a wide range of arguments on its importance in and of itself and as an indispensable foundation for other human rights.
Retired Congressman Frank Wolf, a champion of religious freedom after whom the 1998 International Religious Freedom Act is now named, has recently lamented the diminished attention to religious freedom, something that others have also noted.
There are several reasons for this decreased attention:
One is current U.S. domestic divisions. Some on the left have come to see calls for religious freedom as ploys to avoid adhering to anti-discrimination laws. Such suspicions undercut bipartisan international religious freedom advocacy. This continues even though such advocacy is not limited to Christians but includes Falun Gong and Uyghurs in China, Muslims in Myanmar, Buddhists in Vietnam, Baha'is in Iran, Ahmadis in Pakistan, and a host of others throughout the world.
Another reason is that increasing secularism in the West leads to antipathy or, perhaps, simple apathy regarding religion. The European Union recently left its post for special envoy for religious freedom vacant for 16 months.
A third may be a body of scholarship, often termed "secularism studies," arguing that religious freedom is not a neutral, universal human right but a mechanism of state power that often marginalizes those it seeks to help. This critique maintains that legal definitions of "religion" are largely Western, Protestant, models prioritizing individual "belief" over collective "lived" practices. In turn this can leave unorthodox or non-institutional traditions legally "invisible" and unprotected.
A problem with this approach is that, while it may offer valuable critiques, it reflects current Western academic trends on religion. Hence it tends to replace purported previous Western categories with other more recent Western categories.
Then there is the growth of more self-described 'realist' international politics and policy, including in the U.S. This downgrades human rights concerns in general in favor of a modus vivendi between major powers.
Finally, American evangelicals have less international concern. It has been argued, wrongly, that the stress on international religious freedom in the 1990's was simply evangelicals defending their own. Apart from the fact that any such stress would itself be a perfectly legitimate, it overlooks the fact that the 1998 International Religious Freedom Act was supported by Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, Baha'is, and many others. Indeed, as Hertzke has shown in an earlier work, it drew in most religious groups in the US.
However, by sheer numbers and electoral clout it was evangelicals that made the campaign successful. But now, with many evangelicals increasingly restricting their focus to domestic culture wars, the energy for international religious freedom has been reduced. Some of this slack is being taken up effectively by Catholics, but a deficit remains.
In this situation, Hertzke's latest book is especially welcome. He builds on earlier studies by Brian Grim, Roger Finke, and Robert Martin, and more recent work by Nilay Saiya, Jonathan Fox and others. Whereas Grim and Fox are heavy-duty number crunchers, albeit with good explanations of the numbers so crunched, Hertzke weaves them into a compelling narrative. Well over a third of the book is devoted to notes and an index, but he still manages to make it flow.
His overall thesis is that religious freedom is not only a major good but is also a primary driver of democracy, prosperity, the increased status of women and of the poor, and decreased violence.
His central argument is that religious freedom touches the core of "human personhood and experience"--the fundamental right to be who we are and to act on our deepest commitments. He contends that when this is protected, it frees and enhances personal agency that benefits others, both religious and non-religious. Conversely, when governments or society suppress religious liberty, it leads to destructive outcomes, including weakened democracy, increased violence, and eroding civil liberties.
He argues that there is both a strong historical and strong statistical link between religious freedom and the longevity of democratic institutions. This is because religious freedom limits government powers and, by allowing diverse groups to act independently, helps foster a robust and free civil society.
Hertzke then summarizes the strong evidence that countries with fewer religious restrictions commonly have higher economic growth. He attributes this to increasing social cooperation, attracting skilled immigrants, and promoting a more stable investment climate. He reports that religious freedom is one of only three factors significantly associated with global economic growth. In particular, countries that reduced religious restrictions between 2007 and 2017 had GDP growth rates nearly double those where restrictions increased.
In addition, he contends that there is a positive relationship between religious freedom and 10 out of 12 measures of global competitiveness, and that innovation is more likely in countries that have low religious restrictions.
He then argues that religious liberty also supports a greater role for women and for programs that uplift the poor, since religious organizations are often the primary providers of social services. Research cited in the book shows a strong correlation with women's empowerment.
Finally, there are links to international security. Drawing on Nilay Saiya, he stresses that religious repression is a leading indicator of social conflict and terrorism, whereas religious freedom reduces fanaticism and builds broader loyalty to the state.
The interrelations demonstrate that religious freedom is rarely an isolated variable. Instead, it is highly correlated with many other indicators of societal well-being, also including lower levels of armed conflict and decreased income inequality.
Of course, correlations leave lots of questions: it might mean that it is these other goods that are enhancing religious freedom. But, while recognizing that causation is not all one way and that there are certainly reciprocal effects, Hertzke gives good reasons, often through historical narrative, that the religious freedom factor is formative.
To be proactive in enhancing religious freedom, he advocates what is now commonly called "covenantal pluralism." This calls for moving beyond a "passive religious tolerance," in which groups refrain from restricting one another, toward active, respectful, and engaged relations between religions and with political and other key actors.
He concludes "We are witnessing a historical convergence of empirical evidence and events on the ground that corroborate a key ontological reality: Humans are spiritual creatures who thrive best and most harmoniously when they enjoy the freedom to express their fundamental dignity. Religious liberty is crucial to thriving societies and peace."
Read in Providence (https://providencemag.com/2026/04/the-centrality-of-religious-freedom/).
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At A Glance:
Paul Marshall is a senior fellow at Hudson Institute's Center for Religious Freedom.
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Original text here: https://www.hudson.org/religious-freedom/centrality-religious-freedom-paul-marshall
[Category: ThinkTank]
Center of the American Experiment Issues Commentary: Why Walz's Tax Credit Won't Address High Child Care Costs
MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 1 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on April 30, 2026, by economist Martha Njolomole
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Why Walz's tax credit won't address high child care costs
Governor Walz gave his final State of the State address on Tuesday. Lamenting affordability challenges plaguing Minnesotans, he touted his proposal to expand the Dependent Care Tax Credit to lower child care costs.
Anyone who's been a new parent knows that you walk around with a laundry list of worries.
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MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 1 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on April 30, 2026, by economist Martha Njolomole
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Why Walz's tax credit won't address high child care costs
Governor Walz gave his final State of the State address on Tuesday. Lamenting affordability challenges plaguing Minnesotans, he touted his proposal to expand the Dependent Care Tax Credit to lower child care costs.
Anyone who's been a new parent knows that you walk around with a laundry list of worries.And near the top of that list is the cost of childcare. That cost has skyrocketed in recent years, and it's squeezing families in a way they can't afford. Let's do something about it. Tonight, I'm proposing a significant expansion of the Dependent Care Tax Credit for more than 100,000 families with young and school-aged kids -- lowering the cost of child care by up to $3,000 for families with one child, and $6,000 for families with two or more kids under five.
Indeed, Minnesota is one of the least affordable states for center-based childcare. In 2024, parents in Minnesota spent over $20,000 -- 18 percent of the median family income -- to send an infant to a licensed daycare center. Minnesota ranked as the ninth-least affordable state nationwide.
Something must be done. However, solutions like tax credits fail to address why costs are high in the first place.
Infant childcare in South Dakota costs half as much as in Minnesota. In North Dakota, it is a third less costly. What distinguishes Minnesota from the Dakotas is not the absence or existence of tax credits. Rather, stringent regulations in Minnesota drive providers out of the market, restricting supply and raising costs.
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Figure 1: Center-Based Infant Care as a Percent of Median Family Income, 2024
Source: Child Care Aware; U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey
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In a Child Care Regulations Index published in February 2026, the Archbridge Institute ranked Minnesota as the 10th most burdensome state for childcare center rules. In the Midwest region, only Wisconsin, another high-cost state, had more stringent rules.
Unsurprisingly, North Dakota and South Dakota both impose relatively less burdensome rules compared to Minnesota. This suggests a strong link between regulatory stringency and cost. Numerous studies provide evidence of this relationship.
A 2022 analysis by researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis found, for instance, that there is a negative relationship between child care affordability and the average child-staff ratio in each state.
That is, states that allow a higher number of children per caregiver -- meaning that operating costs are distributed over many more families -- see lower prices.
A 2017 journal study estimated that states could lower costs for center-based infant care by up to $1,890 by loosening staff-to-child ratios. Similarly, repealing rules that require a high school diploma for teachers could reduce costs by up to $4,350 per infant.
Contrary to Walz's assertion, burdensome state regulations, not federal policies, are mainly responsible for childcare affordability challenges in Minnesota.
Expanding the Dependent Care Tax Credit won't lower costs. It will simply shift them onto taxpayers. Even worse, if the supply of childcare slots remains stagnant, the resulting boost in demand will likely drive prices even higher.
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Martha Njolomole is an Economist at Center of the American Experiment.
martha.njolomole@americanexperiment.org
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Original text here: https://www.americanexperiment.org/why-walzs-tax-credit-wont-address-high-child-care-costs/
[Category: ThinkTank]
Center of the American Experiment Issues Commentary: Nuclear/coal Up, Solar/wind Down
MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 1 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on April 30, 2026, by policy fellow Bill Glahn:
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Nuclear/coal up, solar/wind down
From the Minnesota Star Tribune,
"Nuclear and coal expand in Minnesota's energy mix as renewables stagnate."
The Star Tribune reports on a report put out by renewable energy advocates, based on data compiled by the state Dept. of Commerce and Bloomberg.
The Star Tribune notes that report found,
"Not only was 2025 a relatively
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MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 1 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on April 30, 2026, by policy fellow Bill Glahn:
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Nuclear/coal up, solar/wind down
From the Minnesota Star Tribune,
"Nuclear and coal expand in Minnesota's energy mix as renewables stagnate."
The Star Tribune reports on a report put out by renewable energy advocates, based on data compiled by the state Dept. of Commerce and Bloomberg.
The Star Tribune notes that report found,
"Not only was 2025 a relativelystagnant year for renewables, it was also marked by increased coal use. The fuel, which is especially carbon-polluting, made up 4% more of the state's energy mix last year than in 2024."
It is truly a time of miracles.
Electricity from carbon-free or lower-emission sources made up a record share of Minnesota's power in 2025, but most of the increase came from nuclear energy, not renewables like solar and wind.
Huh. The Star Tribune reports,
The report's findings have some clean energy advocates worried that the state won't be able to meet its climate goals, including the carbon-free law that requires Minnesota to produce 100% of its electricity from carbon-free sources by 2040.
The obvious solution is more nuclear power. Under current state law, there is a ban on new nuclear power plants. There is an upper limit on how much more electricity you can squeeze out of the state's two existing nuclear power plants.
Tick tock.
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Bill Glahn is a Policy Fellow with Center of the American Experiment.
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Original text here: https://www.americanexperiment.org/nuclear-coal-up-solar-wind-down/
[Category: ThinkTank]
Center of the American Experiment Issues Commentary: American Law Enforcement - 400 Years of Evolution and Order
MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 1 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on April 30, 2026, by public safety policy fellow David Zimmer to the Thinking Minnesota:
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To protect and serve
American law enforcement: 400 years of evolution and order
American law enforcement has been in a continual state of evolution, leading to the earned legitimacy and societal order our founders sought to achieve from it.
From the nightwatchmen of colonial times and the U.S. Marshals of the Wild
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MINNETONKA, Minnesota, May 1 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on April 30, 2026, by public safety policy fellow David Zimmer to the Thinking Minnesota:
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To protect and serve
American law enforcement: 400 years of evolution and order
American law enforcement has been in a continual state of evolution, leading to the earned legitimacy and societal order our founders sought to achieve from it.
From the nightwatchmen of colonial times and the U.S. Marshals of the WildWest to the G-men of the gangster era and the police officers of today, American law enforcement has maintained order and served as a critical element in America's pursuit of a civilized society.
What does the future hold for American law enforcement? Its leaders will have a great deal of influence over that future as they strive to find the right mix between policing by consent and policing by force.
The profession has weathered nearly 400 years of storms in this endeavor and yet has consistently ranked among the most trusted and revered institutions in the nation. It's in our collective best interests to ensure that the profession continues to improve and evolve -- all while building on the consent of the people.
Early influences
English influence
With the founding of colonial America by the English, it is no surprise that American law enforcement developed largely out of English models prioritizing limited authority and local control.
Just as the English "Bobby" evolved from the early nightwatchman, the modern-day American police officer evolved from the colonial nightwatchman. Likewise, the American sheriff evolved from the English shire reeve.
Many of the American legal principles found in the U.S. Constitution were derived from the English Magna Carta of 1215 and the common law, which developed from centuries of judicial rulings. The concepts of probable cause, limits on search and seizure, and the Castle Doctrine all derive from English common law.
Sir Robert Peel, the British Home Secretary in the early 1800s, is widely considered the father of modern law enforcement. He ushered through the Metropolitan Police Act of 1829, bringing together a patchwork of nightwatchmen and parish constables to form a first-of-its-kind police organization: the London Police Department (LPD).
The founding principle of the LPD was to provide proactive crime prevention rather than a reactive response. Peel's measure of success was based on the absence of crime and disorder rather than enforcement quotas on citations, arrests, and seizures of contraband.
The Peelian principles of law enforcement focused on fostering and maintaining public approval of and legitimacy for law enforcement. Peel believed that for the police to ultimately be successful, they needed to maintain the trust and faith of the people.
The LPD focused on visibility, with "Bobbies" (in honor of Peel) walking beat patrol 24 hours a day to deter crime. Uniforms were designed to distinguish Bobbies from the British military. Badges with individual numbers were worn to allow public identification and ensure personal accountability for each officer.
Peel also professionalized law enforcement investigations by creating the first police detective unit in 1842, replacing the use of private "thief takers" who recovered stolen property for a fee -- a practice that lent itself to corruption.
Native American influence
While less influential in the development of modern American law enforcement, Native American systems of law enforcement and justice existed in America's early years, and some Native American concepts of justice reflect restorative justice principles in the modern American justice system.
In the late 1700s, some Native American tribes who had historically valued inner familial and clan-based justice began transitioning to more tribe-based systems of justice enforced by Lighthorsemen. Lighthorsemen traveled within their tribal territory and were empowered by the tribe to act as investigators, judges, and jurors, often carrying out swift and sure punishment for those they determined were guilty of crime.
Native American justice systems focused more on restorative than punitive practices, and law enforcement was based on the idea of partnerships with the community aimed at negotiating restitution, not meting out punishment. Modern community-based policing and restorative correctional philosophies are rooted in Native American justice.
The evolution of American law enforcement
Colonial era -- "It's midnight and all is well!"
Most colonial American towns and villages adopted the English nightwatchman model, whose role was to watch over the town throughout the night. The first recorded nightwatch began in Boston in 1631.
The nightwatchman focused on fire, which, if not detected early, could destroy an entire village. Other duties included patrolling the streets, ensuring doors were locked, enforcing curfew, suppressing vices, and escorting citizens.
Early on, the nightwatchman was an unpaid role that able-bodied men rotated through as an obligatory service to the community. The role was often coordinated by the town constable. Wealthier men were known to skirt their duties by paying others to carry them out. This degraded the role, as those willing to serve were frequently drunks and other ne'er-do-wells.
The role of the sheriff was also a carryover from English tradition, and in colonial times, the sheriff remained a representative of the crown. The first known sheriff was appointed by the royal governor in Virginia in 1634.
Like modern sheriffs, colonial sheriffs provided security for the courts and served court orders throughout the colony. But colonial sheriffs also served as tax collectors and levied other fines on behalf of the crown. This made the role of sheriff both lucrative and susceptible to corruption.
Independence and the political era
Upon gaining our national independence in 1776, American law enforcement evolved steadily. The early period was hampered by political influence and interference, with chiefs and officers hired directly by politicians who demanded political favors. But the period also saw positive evolution, marked by the growth of independently elected sheriffs and federal law enforcement, which both served to tame the westward expansion of the nation.
Sheriffs
Following independence, sheriffs no longer served the crown and became elected positions in each county. This aspect of county sheriffs answering directly to the public was uniquely American and helped distinguish it from other politically appointed law enforcement positions.
As colonies and territories became states, sheriffs naturally became part of each state's fabric, often written into state constitutions and statutes that define their roles and authority. Their primary duties continued to revolve around serving as the courts' enforcement arm, but they also managed the county jails and provided traditional law enforcement services wherever needed.
Municipal police
In the early to mid-1800s, many urban areas grew swiftly, and the old nightwatchman system became obsolete. Many East Coast cities began adopting the "London model" of policing, establishing full-time police presence operating under a centralized, paramilitary structure.
In 1838, the Boston Police Department was formed, making it the nation's oldest, followed by New York City in 1845. While early police departments were a vast improvement over the outdated town constable and nightwatchman system, they also suffered from several shortcomings.
Early on, police departments and the officers who worked for them were beholden to the political elite who funded and appointed them. It was common for officers to be bribed to overlook certain crimes as favors to politicians. This type of corruption diminished the legitimacy of law enforcement in the eyes of the public.
Policing was entry-level work, and officer positions were often filled by working-class immigrants. One immigrant group dominating the ranks of the police during the 1800s was the Irish. It's estimated that between four and five million Irish immigrants came to the U.S. in the 1800s, the result of famine and other social crises in Ireland. As a new group, the Irish faced discrimination when looking for work. Politicians saw an opportunity to garner Irish support by appointing them as police officers. The Irish filled the ranks of police departments and enjoyed steady incomes, while politicians maintained control of the Irish community through a police force dominated by Irish men.
There was little training and very few policies to guide early police officers. Excessive force was common in those early days, as many officers chose to mete out punishment on the streets rather than bother with the formality of arrests and prosecutions.
U.S. Marshal
In 1788, the U.S. Constitution was ratified. In 1789, the U.S. Marshal position was created as an enforcement arm of the federal court, making it the oldest federal law enforcement position in our nation's history. Pres. George Washington appointed the first 13 marshals in 1789, each representing one of the 13 judicial districts.
Early marshal duties were varied. They included being the bookkeeper of the courts, paying bills, renting court space, hiring bailiffs, enforcing orders from the court, serving subpoenas and warrants, managing federal prisoners, conducting executions, and even conducting the national census until 1870.
The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 mandated the marshals to actively search for and arrest fugitive slaves -- a duty that remained through emancipation in 1865. The act further authorized the marshals to conscript citizens to compulsory duty to assist in locating fugitive slaves.
As the nation expanded westward in the 1800s, U.S. Marshals served as the lone law enforcement officials responsible for enforcing federal law over huge territories of land west of the Mississippi. This was the era made famous by marshals such as Pat Garrett, Wyatt Earp, Bat Masterson, and Bass Reeves. Reeves, an African American born into slavery, went on to serve as a deputy U.S. Marshal for 32 years following emancipation and is credited with an astounding 3,000 arrests. Legend has it that Reeves was the inspiration for the fictional Lone Ranger character.
The reform era and the birth of a profession
The 20th century brought about reforms in law enforcement that helped elevate it as a true profession.
Leaders recognized the need to insulate law enforcement from politics. Civil service protections and merit-based hiring practices were instituted, creating a separation from political appointments. The Pendleton Act of 1883, the Hatch Act of 1939, and the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 each strengthened the firewall between law enforcement and politics, leading to more independence, credibility, and professionalism.
Likewise, a push toward hiring and training standards, and an emphasis on the development and use of forensic science, further transformed the profession throughout the century.
August Vollmer is widely regarded as the pioneer of American law enforcement professionalism. Vollmer served as the chief of police for the Berkeley California Police Department from 1905 to 1932.
Vollmer stressed the need for rigorous standards for police cadets, focusing on psychological and intelligence benchmarks. Vollmer required officers to have a college degree and graduate from a police academy before working the street. His vision was to reform officers from brutish enforcers to being analytical problem solvers.
A major step forward in the professionalization of law enforcement occurred through the evolution of federal investigative agents. The Department of Justice created the first federal investigations unit in 1908, hiring 38 "special agents" to focus on fraud. In 1910, the Mann Act expanded the jurisdiction of this "Bureau of Investigation" to investigate and pursue criminals who crossed state lines. In 1924, J. Edgar Hoover took over the "Bureau" and began a transition toward a more academic, science-based, and professional law enforcement organization. The Bureau opened its first forensic laboratory in 1932 and was officially renamed the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in 1935.
This era also ushered in the Bureau of Prohibition (BOP), which enforced the nation's enforcement of illegal alcohol manufacture and sales. A unit of agents in Chicago, famously led by Eliot Ness, became known as "The Untouchables" for their clean image, professionalism, and refusal to accept bribes. The BOP led to the eventual formation of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF), and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).
Municipal law enforcement detectives also evolved during this period. In the early 1900s, there were only a few municipal police detective units, and they lacked the authority to enforce the law outside their jurisdiction. To fill the void, a few for-hire private detective agencies emerged in the 1800s, with perhaps the most famous being the Pinkerton agency. Pinkerton detectives could be hired by individuals or businesses to investigate crimes, locate fugitives or wanted people, and recover stolen goods.
State police investigators also began to evolve across the nation during the 20th century, creating overlap among states and assisting with multi-county investigations. Minnesota's Bureau of Criminal Apprehension, for example, was created as a statewide investigative agency in 1927.
The modern era
Modern American law enforcement, while not blemish free, is generally considered just and honorable. Officers are well-educated, well-trained, well-equipped, and well-supervised. The profession has worked diligently to diversify, improve transparency, and improve accountability. Those efforts have established goodwill and a growing sense of public consent for the profession.
Currently, there are over 18,000 local, county, state, and federal law enforcement agencies and 800,000 officers and agents employed throughout the nation.
The national ratio of officers to citizens is 2.3 /1,000. Sixty-nine percent of officers are white, 31 percent are of a racial or ethnic minority, 85 percent are men, and 15 percent are women. Over one third of the officers nationwide have a bachelor's degree or higher.
Minnesota has just over 10,000 officers. The ratio of officers to citizens is 1.7/1,000. Ninety-three percent are white, seven percent are racial or ethnic minorities, 88 percent are men, and 12 percent are women. Over 50 percent of Minnesota's officers have earned a four-year bachelor's degree -- a number that outpaces Minnesota's general public by nine percentage points.
While not a perfect representation of the general public in 2026, America's law enforcement officers more closely mirror the communities they serve than ever before. The profession is also better educated and trained than ever before, distancing itself from the politicization that plagued earlier eras of law enforcement.
This continued evolution has helped law enforcement weather significant social unrest over the decades. From the Watts riots of the 1960s to the current unrest over immigration enforcement, the profession has navigated these complex and volatile scenarios, fostering resolution and avoiding societal fragmentation.
Law enforcement has generally been successful by fostering goodwill and public consent. That consent has been preserved most successfully when utilizing what Napoleon Bonaparte described as "an iron hand in a velvet glove."
Parting thought
Throughout history, we have demanded much from our law enforcement. We've expected them to be brave warriors and calm guardians -- to disarm violent offenders, intercept active shooters, de-escalate long-term domestic situations, find solutions for the homeless and drug addicted, counsel the suicidal, reason with the mentally ill, patch up the injured, make crushing death notifications, get spit on, insulted, and assaulted -- all without showing emotion or making a mistake.
This seems like an impossible task, yet these officers show up each day to perform those duties. For that, we owe them grace and our enduring support.
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David Zimmer is a Public Safety Policy Fellow at Center of the American Experiment.
David.Zimmer@americanexperiment.org
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This article originally appeared in the Spring 2026 (https://www.americanexperiment.org/magazine/issue/spring-2026) issue of Thinking Minnesota magazine.
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Original text here: https://www.americanexperiment.org/magazine/article/to-protect-and-serve
[Category: ThinkTank]
