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Manhattan Institute Issues Commentary to Wall Street Journal: Jared Isaacman Is Launching NASA Into a New Era
NEW YORK, March 13 -- The Manhattan Institute issued the following excerpts of a commentary on March 12, 2026, by senior fellow James B. Meigs to the Wall Street Journal:
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Jared Isaacman Is Launching NASA into a New Era
The billionaire entrepreneur is getting American astronauts closer to a moon landing than we've been in decades.
Jared Isaacman isn't messing around. The billionaire entrepreneur and private astronaut endured White House intrigue and months-long delays on his way to becoming head of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration this past December. But now, less than
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NEW YORK, March 13 -- The Manhattan Institute issued the following excerpts of a commentary on March 12, 2026, by senior fellow James B. Meigs to the Wall Street Journal:
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Jared Isaacman Is Launching NASA into a New Era
The billionaire entrepreneur is getting American astronauts closer to a moon landing than we've been in decades.
Jared Isaacman isn't messing around. The billionaire entrepreneur and private astronaut endured White House intrigue and months-long delays on his way to becoming head of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration this past December. But now, less thanthree months into his tenure as administrator, he is bringing much-needed focus, transparency and above all urgency to the struggling space agency.
Over the decades, NASA has grown ponderous and complacent. The agency's Artemis program, which aims to land astronauts on the moon within this decade, exemplifies the rot: It has already cost taxpayers nearly $100 billion, without sending a single astronaut into orbit, much less to the moon. Powerful Capitol Hill lawmakers allow such lax management, as long as it means more spending in their states. And while NASA lumbers, China's space program surges ahead. That country could land its taikonauts on the moon before the U.S. makes its long-promised return.
Continue reading the entire piece here at the Wall Street Journal (https://www.wsj.com/opinion/free-expression/jared-isaacman-is-launching-nasa-into-a-new-era-e3e7686a?mod=author_content_page_1_pos_1)
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James B. Meigs is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and a City Journal contributing editor.
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Original text here: https://manhattan.institute/article/jared-isaacman-is-launching-nasa-into-a-new-era
[Category: ThinkTank]
Jamestown Foundation Posts Commentary: Baku Confronts Mehdiyev's Legacy
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The Jamestown Foundation posted the following commentary on March 12, 2026, by Ziya Kazimzada, board member at Milliyyet Research Center, in its Eurasia Daily Monitor:
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Baku Confronts Mehdiyev's Legacy
Executive Summary:
* On February 10, Azerbaijani authorities extended the house arrest of former presidential aide Ramiz Mehdiyev for four months, after arresting him in October 2025 on charges of treason, actions aimed at usurping state power, and the legalization of property acquired through criminal activity. 87-year-old Mehdiyev was head of the presidential administration
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WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The Jamestown Foundation posted the following commentary on March 12, 2026, by Ziya Kazimzada, board member at Milliyyet Research Center, in its Eurasia Daily Monitor:
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Baku Confronts Mehdiyev's Legacy
Executive Summary:
* On February 10, Azerbaijani authorities extended the house arrest of former presidential aide Ramiz Mehdiyev for four months, after arresting him in October 2025 on charges of treason, actions aimed at usurping state power, and the legalization of property acquired through criminal activity. 87-year-old Mehdiyev was head of the presidential administrationof Azerbaijan from 1995 to 2019.
* State-affiliated media outlets allege that Mehdiyev planned a coup with expected backing from the Kremlin, though the claims have not been independently verified. According to anonymous Azerbaijani officials cited in government-aligned media, Russian officials deemed the plan unviable and informed Azerbaijan of the plot in October 2025.
* Mehdiyev's arrest demonstrates Baku's desire to limit alternative centers of power, ensure only one line of contact exists between Baku and the Kremlin, and appear to address elite corruption. According to reporting out of Baku, Mehdiyev possessed extensive patronage networks and influence, and shaped political appointments, corruption schemes, and pro-Russian policies during his tenure.
On February 10, Baku extended the house arrest for longtime Azerbaijani presidential aide Ramiz Mehdiyev for another 4 months. The Azerbaijani authorities first detained Mehdiyev last year on October 14, and charged him with treason, actions aimed at usurping state power, and the legalization of property acquired through criminal activity (YouTube/Baku TV, October 14, 2025; Vesti Baku, October 17, 2025) On the same day, Baku revoked his status as a member of the Security Council of Azerbaijan (YouTube/ATV News, October 17, 2025). The 87-year-old Mehdiyev, who headed the presidential administration of Azerbaijan from 1995 to 2019, is accused of planning a coup with the anticipation of political backing from Russia. According to state-affiliated media, Mehdiyev approached Russian contacts in 2025 with a plan to seize power through force and then form a temporary State Council, which he would lead, to govern Azerbaijan (Azeri-Press Agency, October 16, 2025). According to state media reports, Russian President Vladimir Putin eventually concluded that the plan had no chance of success and informed Aliyev of the plot during their October 2025 meeting in Dushanbe, which occurred during a period of frosty Azerbaijan-Russia relations (Eurasianet, October 17, 2025; see EDM, November 12)
In the early 2000s, the current President of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, was not the only potential successor when the health of his father, Haydar Aliyev, the third president of Azerbaijan, was deteriorating. Mehdiyev, known as the "grey cardinal," boasted strong connections in and outside the country. He appointed those loyal to him to prominent positions and maintained strong relations with the Russian elite. When Haydar Aliyev died, numerous newspaper articles discussed Mehdiyev's ambition to become the next president (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, June 25, 2002). Mehdiyev did not cease his political activities after the current president assumed his office. He allegedly "appointed" members of parliament, consolidated relations with Russia's new government, and promoted the appointment of city and district chief executives loyal to him. In a 2016 interview, Arif Mammadov, the former permanent representative of Azerbaijan to the Council of Europe, alleged that Mehdiyev shaped Azerbaijan's position on one of the resolutions under discussion at the time. Mammadov said that Azerbaijan intended to support the law, but the Russian delegation was dissatisfied with Baku's position on the matter. He then adds that, after several minutes, a call was received from the Presidential Administration instructing them "to do what the Russian representative says" (YouTube/Xural TV, November 26, 2016). This case illustrates Mehdiyev's purported influence on the country's decision-making processes and his loyalty to the Kremlin.
In October 2019, Ilham Aliyev dismissed Mehdiyev as head of the administration of the president of the Republic of Azerbaijan. His removal was not a newly debated issue for many people in Azerbaijan. News related to his possible removal from senior positions had been circulating in the media since the 2010s. Until 2019, when pro-government media reported unfavorable stories concerning Mehdiyev's conduct in office--alleging his responsibility for reform stagnation, corruption, and the deterioration of relations with the European Union and the United States--he consistently managed to assert his significance to top Azerbaijani leadership. During this time, Mehdiyev convinced Ilham Aliyev of his usefulness by helping manage crises, including the 2012-2013 riots in Guba and Ismayilli and the 2013 "End Soldier Deaths" protests in Baku.
Mehdiyev is widely considered to have been a main driver of Azerbaijan's crackdown on civil society and independent media during his time in the presidential administration (OC Media, October 17, 2025). During Mehdiyev's tenure in the presidential administration, even moderate opposition members were detained and excluded from participation in political processes in Azerbaijan. In the years since Mehdiyev's dismissal, the ruling elite in Azerbaijan reportedly widely discussed a constitutional referendum on changing the electoral system from a majoritarian system to a proportional or mixed system. Members of parliament have allegedly made frequent statements to the media about the need for reform (Reytinq, May 25, 2024).
Mehdiyev was also associated with regional corruption scandals, as many district chief executives implicated in corruption cases had been part of the regional political networks he supported. Mehdiyev predominantly advocated for the appointment of politicians loyal or close to him, who governed their districts in a quasi-autocratic manner, resulting in corrupt schemes within cities, allegedly sometimes led by Mehdiyev himself (Konkret, August 26, 2020). Escalating corruption contributed to the failure of the government's economic improvement plans, unrest among local populations, and the inefficient allocation of funds to build unused factories and buildings. Unsurprisingly, the arrest of corrupt district chiefs sped up after Mehdiyev's 2019 removal from the presidential administration. The government has arrested nine district executive chiefs since 2020 (Facebook/Meydan TV, December 22, 2025). In a meeting with newly appointed regional leaders, Ilham Aliyev, criticizing previous corrupt district leaders and possibly alluding to Ramiz Mehdiyev, stated, "I am absolutely certain that from now on, you will not be given any illegal instructions from the center" (YouTube/ARB24, November 12, 2025).
Remaining in office for an extended period provided Mehdiyev the opportunity to deploy his allies into senior positions. This consolidation of power posed a potential threat to the government itself. Mehdiyev's arrest alone does not terminate his influence within the country, as approximately 50 individuals were allegedly listed as potential collaborators in his letter to Russian representatives outlining his plan for a new government in Baku (Baku.ws, October 29, 2025). Already rocky relations with Russia could deteriorate further if Mehdiyev's Russia-related operations and those of his loyal associates are publicly disclosed in full (see EDM, February 10). Relations between the two countries have been strained since the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, particularly after the December 2024 downing of an Azerbaijani passenger plane by a Russian missile (see EDM, January 15, March 27, May 20, July 7, November 12, 2025, January 15).Mehdiyev authored numerous articles during his time leading the presidential administration, blaming the United States and European Union for destabilization in the South Caucasus (Azadliq Radiosu, December 12, 2014). Mehdiyev was not the sole driver of strained relations between Western countries and Azerbaijan, but his personal role in corruption and anti-Western views exacerbated tensions. Mehdiyev rarely criticized Russia, which failed to effectively mediate the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, to the same extent that he criticized the West. In his articles, Mehdiyev also criticized the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, claiming that they "undermined the independence of states." This perspective conflicted with the intentions of the Azerbaijani government, which was actively seeking engagement with international organizations for loans. Mehdiyev contended that these organizations' demand for reform in Azerbaijan, including calls for the denationalization of the economy, were incompatible with a sovereign state. The arrest of Mehdiyev brings new opportunities for the Azerbaijani government. Baku has several options: to release Mehdiyev, prolong his detention period once again, or prove the charges against him.
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Ziya Kazimzada is the Board Member at Milliyyet Research Center. He has finished his Master's at Masaryk University in International Relations and European Politics programme.
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Original text here: https://jamestown.org/baku-confronts-mehdiyevs-legacy/
[Category: ThinkTank]
Hudson Institute Issues Commentary to War on the Rocks: Testing Denial - The Philippine Alliance in America's First Island Chain Strategy
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- Hudson Institute, a research organization that says it promotes leadership for a secure, free and prosperous future, issued the following commentary on March 12, 2026, by Asia-Pacific security chair Patrick M. Cronin and Nathaniel Uy to War on the Rocks:
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Testing Denial: The Philippine Alliance in America's First Island Chain Strategy
An alliance is only as credible as the runway it can repair under fire.
The Pentagon's latest National Defense Strategy clarifies American aims in the Indo-Pacific while exposing what those aims demand of frontline allies such as the
... Show Full Article
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- Hudson Institute, a research organization that says it promotes leadership for a secure, free and prosperous future, issued the following commentary on March 12, 2026, by Asia-Pacific security chair Patrick M. Cronin and Nathaniel Uy to War on the Rocks:
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Testing Denial: The Philippine Alliance in America's First Island Chain Strategy
An alliance is only as credible as the runway it can repair under fire.
The Pentagon's latest National Defense Strategy clarifies American aims in the Indo-Pacific while exposing what those aims demand of frontline allies such as thePhilippines. The strategy's emphasis on a "strong denial defense" shifts the metric of credibility. Though the strategy does not specify the objectives to be denied, its logic implies preventing a rapid Taiwan fait accompli and constraining the People's Liberation Army's ability to establish sustained sea and air control inside the chain. Whatever the precise intent, the question is no longer how many forces are forward deployed to signal resolve, but whether the United States and its allies can prevent an adversary from seizing control of critical maritime corridors at the outset of a crisis. When the unclassified strategy declares that allies "must shoulder their fair share," it signals that tangible hard power, and not rhetorical alignment, now defines the value of what it means to be an American ally.
If the United States is serious about denial strategy along the First Island Chain, credibility will be tested less in Taiwan than in the Philippines -- specifically in whether Manila can politically sustain resilient, repairable, and survivable infrastructure under pressure.
That test hinges on investing in resilience over symbolism. Hardened facilities, dispersed logistics, and rapid repair matter more than episodic presence. And those capabilities must be politically sustainable in Manila if deterrence by denial is to endure.
The Philippines as a Litmus Test
The Philippines is a revealing test case for whether denial can function politically as well as operationally. If China can exploit the weakness of the U.S.-Philippine alliance, however, the entire premise of a deterrence-by-denial strategy along the First Island Chain is suspect. In other words, the Pentagon's main strategy will turn on the interaction of geography, alliance structure, and domestic consent.
Geographically, northern Luzon sits astride sea and air routes linking the Philippine Sea and the northern South China Sea, including the Luzon Strait. Batanes lies roughly 120 miles away from Taiwan but more than 500 miles from Second Thomas Shoal near Palawan. The country's dispersed terrain supports distributed basing, mobility corridors, deception, and redundancy, which are advantages in an era when fixed infrastructure is vulnerable to missile strikes and cyber or electronic disruption.
Alliance architecture complicates the sprawling geography. The Philippines is bound to the United States under the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty, which provides for consultation and a possible combined response to armed attack in the Pacific. After the Philippine Senate rejected renewal of the U.S. bases agreement in 1991, access evolved through the 1998 Visiting Forces Agreement and the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement. The 2014 defense cooperation framework enables rotational presence, infrastructure development at agreed locations, and prepositioning, all without permanent basing.
The third variable of domestic politics injects extra uncertainty into the alliance's ability to act in a future crisis. U.S. military presence remains sensitive. A denial posture that cannot withstand democratic debate and leadership transitions is not durable. Former President Rodrigo Duterte's threat to terminate the bilateral forces agreement underscored that alliance access depends as much on domestic legitimacy not being questioned by the "political pendulum" as on military rationales.
Resilient Access
Denial ultimately depends on whether forces can operate under fire. Functioning well during a period of high disruption or combat puts a premium on resilience. That pushes the 2014 cooperation agreement toward distributed logistics, rapid repair, and redundant communications. Infrastructure and industrial capacity may matter more to deterrence than fleet numbers or episodic presence operations.
The defense agreement's "places not bases" design supports this organizing principle. It concentrates on infrastructure, access, and prepositioning rather than permanent footprints. Legal durability reinforces continuity of operations. In 2016, the Philippine Supreme Court upheld the 2014 accord's constitutionality, preserving the framework despite political contestation. Continuity matters because hardened infrastructure, stockpiles, and command networks require sustained investment and erode quickly if reversed by political turnover.
Risk management depends on how alliance commitments are defined and communicated. The Mutual Defense Treaty commits each party to act in accordance with its constitutional processes; it does not mandate automatic combined military action. By anchoring obligations in consultation and constitutional processes, the treaty tempers automaticity, creates shared risk, and leaves space for adversaries to test alliance cohesion.
U.S. declaratory policy has grown more specific in recent years. In 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo proclaimed that "any armed attack" on Philippine forces, aircraft, or public vessels in the South China Sea would trigger U.S. obligations under Article IV of the treaty. Such clarity strengthens deterrence messaging. It may also increase the perceived strategic value of Philippine facilities in a crisis, raising the likelihood of coercive actions short of war.
While more ambitious proposals, such as prepositioning Taiwan-related munitions at U.S. sites in the Philippines or permanently stockpiling munitions for Typhon missile systems, may be politically untenable at present, steady progress in upgrading infrastructure in northern Luzon and Palawan would provide a concrete measure of the alliance's deterrence credibility.
Philippine official messaging on the 2014 defense cooperation agreement consistently emphasizes sovereignty, the absence of permanent bases, and defensive missions such as humanitarian assistance and disaster response alongside deterrence and interoperability. This framing is essential because domestic consent functions as a Clausewitzian political center of gravity. If alliance defense infrastructure is viewed as enabling offensive operations disconnected from Philippine territorial defense, political resistance can weaken operational credibility.
Capabilities That Shape Credibility
In the Philippine context, denial is built on four elements: maritime sensing, coastal defense, mobility, and repair capacity.
First, maritime domain awareness and fused intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance cue both Philippine and allied systems while improving attribution of gray-zone coercion.
Second, mobile, survivable coastal defense capabilities integrated with sensing networks offer greater deterrent value than static and easily targeted platforms.
Third, dispersed logistics determine staying power. Fuel, munitions, spare parts, and runway or port repair under attack conditions define endurance. This operating concept aligns with distributed maritime operations and expeditionary advanced basing concepts that prioritize dispersion and survivability against precision strike.
Fourth, rapid repair and redundancy through hardening, deception, and alternative operating concepts sustain operations even against an anti-access precision strike threat. Alliance-related infrastructure, including storage, redundant communications, and repair capacity, contributes to deterrence only if it remains usable amid hostilities.
Denial along a chain is not a single engagement but a prolonged contest over attrition and sustainment. Maritime sensing enables everything; coastal defense imposes costs; logistics sustain operations; and repair allows for regeneration amid combat.
The Pathway to Philippine-Owned Denial
In a world where runway repair, dispersed logistics, mobile coastal defense, and domestic political durability define strategic relevance more than forward presence, policymakers should carefully consider and manage risk.
An immediate, first risk is that a focus on deterrence at the high-end is an invitation for what Beijing thinks of as peacetime offensive operations. If Philippine territory is seen as critical enabling infrastructure, China may employ cyber operations, sabotage, information campaigns, and other means short of war to raise the political cost of access without triggering military action. After flying a drone over Taiwan's Pratas Island in January, China could readily extend unmanned surveillance operations across the Bashi Channel to monitor U.S. and Philippine forces. As Indo-Pacific Command chief Adm. Samuel Paparo observed in Honolulu earlier this year, Beijing's coercion of the Philippines has intensified even as Washington has pursued strategic stability with China. Ramming, blocking, and water-cannon attacks by China's maritime forces have become routine.
At a moment when the United States expects allies like the Philippines to manage such gray-zone pressure, both Washington and Beijing are normalizing maritime coercion that edges toward gunboat diplomacy. It requires little imagination to see how Chinese officials might probe this dynamic for seams in the U.S.-Philippine alliance.
Probing alliance resolve becomes part of the competition, and the temptation for such coercion may be inherent in Washington's reorientation of U.S. strategic priorities; the reemphasis on defending the Western Hemisphere and Homeland security may signal to Beijing that Indo-Pacific commitments must compete for strategic attention.
A second risk is entanglement. Even if Manila frames defense cooperation sites and activities as defensive, adversary perceptions may diverge. Ambiguity in contingency signaling can magnify miscalculation.
During the Scarborough Shoal standoff, Manila dispatched the navy vessel BRP Gregorio del Pilar to detain Chinese fishermen, signaling a willingness to escalate and an expectation of alliance backing. Washington, however, emphasized de-escalation and did not clarify whether the Mutual Defense Treaty applied. To Beijing, that divergence suggested an alliance seam, one China exploited to consolidate control without triggering U.S. military intervention.
Prospectively, as the Philippines acquires or even hosts coastal defense missiles, upgrades military bases in northern Luzon, and conducts naval patrols with Japan and others, China may miscalculate if it sees such defense strengthening as active attempts to interfere in a Taiwan contingency.
Legal stability alone does not eliminate vulnerability. Political sustainability requires a clear, sovereignty-centered rationale that resonates domestically.
The most secure path is for the Philippines to own resilience in its segment of the First Island Chain. Manila's "Comprehensive Archipelagic Defense Concept" provides that foundation: distributed access, hardened and redundant communications, rapid repair, and prepositioning calibrated for both wartime sustainment and non-kinetic contingencies such as disaster response. Institutionalized crisis consultation mechanisms can further reduce misperception and escalation risk.
Such an approach strengthens deterrence by increasing uncertainty for potential aggressors while lowering political costs at home. It aligns with the defense strategy's emphasis on burden sharing by rooting credibility in Philippine-owned capabilities rather than symbolic access alone.
Geography ensures Philippine relevance. Politics will determine whether that relevance translates into durable deterrence. Denial only works if Manila can politically sustain the infrastructure required to make it credible.
Read in War on the Rocks (https://warontherocks.com/2026/03/testing-denial-the-philippine-alliance-in-americas-first-island-chain-strategy/).
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Patrick M. Cronin is the Asia-Pacific security chair at Hudson Institute.
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Original text here: https://www.hudson.org/arms-control-nonproliferation/testing-denial-philippine-alliance-americas-first-island-chain-patrick-cronin
[Category: ThinkTank]
Center of the American Experiment Issues Commentary: 64% Drop in MN Medicaid Rides Amid Fraud Probes--Minnesota Legislator Wants to Triple Driver Payments
GOLDEN VALLEY, Minnesota, March 13 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on March 11, 2026, by policy fellow Matt Dean:
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64% Drop in MN Medicaid Rides Amid Fraud Probes--Minnesota Legislator Wants to Triple Driver Payments
Minnesota's Non-Emergency Medical Transportation (NEMT) program was created to help Medicaid patients reach doctor appointments. Instead, it has become a runaway taxpayer-funded scandal riddled with fraud, weak oversight, and part of billions in potential
... Show Full Article
GOLDEN VALLEY, Minnesota, March 13 -- The Center of the American Experiment, a civic and educational organization that says it creates and advocates policies, issued the following commentary on March 11, 2026, by policy fellow Matt Dean:
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64% Drop in MN Medicaid Rides Amid Fraud Probes--Minnesota Legislator Wants to Triple Driver Payments
Minnesota's Non-Emergency Medical Transportation (NEMT) program was created to help Medicaid patients reach doctor appointments. Instead, it has become a runaway taxpayer-funded scandal riddled with fraud, weak oversight, and part of billions in potentialwaste. It is one of the DHS programs considered by regulators to be "at high risk of fraud."
In 2025 alone, the program served roughly 250,000 Minnesotans and racked up millions of trips at a cost of $127 million. Yet when the Department of Human Services finally noticed fraud --after NEMT became one of 14 high-risk Medicaid services--billed rides dropped by 64 percent.
While Governor Walz has responded by aggressively restricting the flow of money to these drivers, Minnesota Rep. Sydney Jordan is carrying a bill to increase the money paid per mile to the vendors by 300%. HF3058 actually triples the per mile reimbursement from $0.22 to $0.67.
DHS now has 71 open fraud investigations, has suspended payments to 14 providers, and is pursuing monetary recoveries in five cases. Inspector General James Clark laid out the playbook: "phantom billing" for trips with no matching medical appointment, excess mileage claims, and kickbacks to patients or recruiters. Low barriers to entry--anyone with a vehicle could become a provider--created ghost companies and unverifiable claims. Clark testified on the administration's attempts to stem the flow of fraud money in areas like NEMT while testifying before a Minnesota legislative panel on March 3rd.
Rep Jordan, for her part has been a fierce opponent of President Trump's focus on Minnesota fraud within the Somali community in Minnesota. While Youtuber Nick Shirley's assertions that 90% of NEMT contractors are Somali are not sourced, certainly the implication is that this investigation, like the Feeding our Future scandal will focus on the Somali community.
"I stand with our state's Somali community and I emphatically reject the disgusting and disingenuous attacks hurled at them by Donald Trump and his far-right cronies." Jordan said in a December 3rd legislative update, concluding: "They are our neighbors, family members, elected officials, doctors, teachers and more, no matter what lies and bile Donald Trump spews about Minnesota's Somali community, the simple truth is that our Somali neighbors make our state stronger."
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Matt Dean is a Policy Fellow at Center of the American Experiment.
matt.dean@americanexperiment.org
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Original text here: https://www.americanexperiment.org/64-drop-in-mn-medicaid-rides-amid-fraud-probes-minnesota-legislator-wants-to-triple-driver-payments/
[Category: ThinkTank]
America First Policy Institute Issues Statement to Daily Wire: Parent Trap - The Detransition Reality Schools Tried To Hide From Moms And Dads
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The America First Policy Institute issued the following excerpts of a commentary on March 12, 2026, by Director of American Values Jennifer Bauwens to the Daily Wire:
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The Parent Trap: The Detransition Reality Schools Tried To Hide From Moms And Dads
Last week, the Supreme Court of the United States issued an important ruling in Mirabelli v. Bonta, a case addressing whether schools can implement policies that deliberately exclude parents from critical decisions about their children's well-being. The Court answered that question with a clear and resounding no.
In
... Show Full Article
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The America First Policy Institute issued the following excerpts of a commentary on March 12, 2026, by Director of American Values Jennifer Bauwens to the Daily Wire:
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The Parent Trap: The Detransition Reality Schools Tried To Hide From Moms And Dads
Last week, the Supreme Court of the United States issued an important ruling in Mirabelli v. Bonta, a case addressing whether schools can implement policies that deliberately exclude parents from critical decisions about their children's well-being. The Court answered that question with a clear and resounding no.
Inits order, the Court reinstated a prior injunction, barring California schools from enforcing policies that conceal students' gender transitions from parents or require teachers to use names or pronouns inconsistent with biological sex. Under these rules, this information was withheld from parents unless the child consented. Naturally, many parents and teachers challenged these policies, arguing that they violated constitutional rights.
The Court agreed that the parents raising religious objections are likely to win their claims under the First Amendment's Free Exercise Clause. The justices also found that the policies are likely to interfere with parents' long-recognized constitutional right to direct the upbringing and care of their children under the Fourteenth Amendment.
To continue reading, click here (https://www.dailywire.com/news/the-parent-trap-the-detransition-reality-schools-tried-to-hide-from-moms-and-dads?topStoryPosition=undefined&author=Jennifer+Bauwens&category=DW+Opinion&elementPosition=1&row=1&rowHeadline=Top+Stories&rowType=Top+Stories&title=The+Parent+Trap%3A+The+Detransition+Reality+Schools+Tried+To+Hide+From+Moms+And+Dads).
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Dr. Jennifer Bauwens serves as the Director of American Values. She is responsible for leading the research agenda and the development of policy priorities pertaining to family, faith, and pro-life issues.
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Original text here: https://www.americafirstpolicy.com/issues/the-parent-trap-the-detransition-reality-schools-tried-to-hide-from-moms-and-dads
[Category: ThinkTank]
America First Policy Institute Issues Commentary to National Review: States Have an Important Role to Play in Countering CCP Infiltration
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The America First Policy Institute issued the following excerpts of a commentary on March 12, 2026, by Director for China Policy Adam Savit to the National Review:
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States Have an Important Role to Play in Countering CCP Infiltration
While American states debate the nature and scope of foreign adversary threats, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is actively stealing intellectual property, coopting university research programs, placing operatives in state and local political processes, and acquiring strategic real estate adjacent to military installations. The question
... Show Full Article
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The America First Policy Institute issued the following excerpts of a commentary on March 12, 2026, by Director for China Policy Adam Savit to the National Review:
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States Have an Important Role to Play in Countering CCP Infiltration
While American states debate the nature and scope of foreign adversary threats, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is actively stealing intellectual property, coopting university research programs, placing operatives in state and local political processes, and acquiring strategic real estate adjacent to military installations. The questionfor state legislatures is not whether these threats are real, but whether they are willing to act before a breach occurs rather than after.
In Indiana, Governor Mike Braun recently signed SB 256, a sweeping law addressing CCP infiltration across four critical domains: government technology contracts, university research security, real property acquisition, and foreign agent registration. It is among the most comprehensive state-level responses to foreign adversary threats in the country and deserves to be replicated.
Indiana public schools have distributed tens of thousands of Lenovo devices to students and teachers. What many parents don't know is that Lenovo's largest shareholder is Legend Holdings, the investment arm of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. Lenovo devices have a documented history of security vulnerabilities in government use. The State Department banned them from its network in 2006, and a 2008 lawsuit alleged that relabeled Lenovo devices given to the Marine Corps transmitted data back to China.
To keep reading, click here (https://www.nationalreview.com/2026/03/states-have-an-important-role-to-play-in-countering-ccp-infiltration/).
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Adam Savit is from Johnstown, Pennsylvania, and serves as Director for China Policy at AFPI.
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Original text here: https://www.americafirstpolicy.com/issues/states-have-an-important-role-to-play-in-countering-ccp-infiltration
[Category: ThinkTank]
AFPI Calls for Reforms to Protect Children in Honor of Detrans Awareness Day
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The America First Policy Institute issued the following statement on March 12, 2026:
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AFPI Calls for Reforms to Protect Children in Honor of Detrans Awareness Day
The America First Policy Institute (AFPI) has released the following statement from Dr. Jennifer Bauwens, director for American Values, in recognition of Detrans Awareness Day:
"Every day, more minors in the United States are choosing to detransition. The unfortunate reality is that the damage done to their bodies through so-called 'gender-affirming treatments' cannot always be fully reversed. There is
... Show Full Article
WASHINGTON, March 13 -- The America First Policy Institute issued the following statement on March 12, 2026:
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AFPI Calls for Reforms to Protect Children in Honor of Detrans Awareness Day
The America First Policy Institute (AFPI) has released the following statement from Dr. Jennifer Bauwens, director for American Values, in recognition of Detrans Awareness Day:
"Every day, more minors in the United States are choosing to detransition. The unfortunate reality is that the damage done to their bodies through so-called 'gender-affirming treatments' cannot always be fully reversed. There isa serious need for greater transparency and accountability for those who push transitions on minors, including social transitions and irreversible medical procedures. Parents and policymakers must ensure that children are protected from adopting a new identity before they are fully able to understand the long-term consequences."
AFPI has released the following policy products addressing the long-term harm caused by social transitions for children:
* Fact Sheet: "Social Transition is a Dangerous Psychological Intervention" (https://www.americafirstpolicy.com/issues/social-transition-is-a-dangerous-psychological-intervention)
* Issue Brief: "Gender Dysphoria and the Social Transition Intervention" (https://www.americafirstpolicy.com/issues/gender-dysphoria-and-the-social-transition-intervention)
* State Model Policy: "Protecting Children from Social Transition Act" (https://www.americafirstpolicy.com/issues/protecting-children-from-social-transition-act)
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Original text here: https://www.americafirstpolicy.com/issues/afpi-calls-for-reforms-to-protect-children-in-honor-of-detrans-awareness-day
[Category: ThinkTank]
