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Reason Foundation Issues Commentary: U.S. Law Shouldn't Copy Europe's App Store Regulation
LOS ANGELES, California, Dec. 23 -- The Reason Foundation issued the following commentary:
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U.S. law shouldn't copy Europe's app store regulation
The App Store Freedom Act would undermine security features and complicate the user experiences of hundreds of millions of consumers.
By Nicole Shekhovtsova
Lawmakers in the United States are considering a major intervention in the way big mobile platforms like Apple and Google sell apps to hundreds of millions of smartphone owners. Taking a page from Europe's Digital Markets Act (DMA), the App Store Freedom Act would require Apple and Google
... Show Full Article
LOS ANGELES, California, Dec. 23 -- The Reason Foundation issued the following commentary:
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U.S. law shouldn't copy Europe's app store regulation
The App Store Freedom Act would undermine security features and complicate the user experiences of hundreds of millions of consumers.
By Nicole Shekhovtsova
Lawmakers in the United States are considering a major intervention in the way big mobile platforms like Apple and Google sell apps to hundreds of millions of smartphone owners. Taking a page from Europe's Digital Markets Act (DMA), the App Store Freedom Act would require Apple and Googleto host rival app stores and give app developers equal technical access to those using official channels. Rather than greater freedom, the act would undermine security features and complicate the user experiences of hundreds of millions of consumers.
The App Store Freedom Act attempts to break up so-called "mobile walled gardens," mandating that large mobile platforms let users replace and delete apps and services that come pre-installed on their devices in favor of third-party apps downloaded from unofficial app stores. Users would also be given the ability to choose alternative in-app payments and payment systems that are not operated or controlled by the covered company's app store. On top of that, platforms would have to give third-party app developers the same kind of system-level access that official apps get--the same tools, interfaces, and technical permissions.
The core of the bill is a U.S. version of what the European Union has already done through similar provisions in the DMA. In theory, both laws aim to make digital app markets more competitive. But in practice, as critics of the DMA have noted, breaking down the walls leads to emerging security risks, clunkier user journeys, and still-uncertain gains for competition. None of that should appeal to U.S. policymakers.
Why the walls exist
There are plenty of reasons why an app store would want to limit which apps are available for download, what data an app developer can access, and which methods app developers can use to interact with and advertise to consumers. Devices and app stores carry the burden of preventing the spread of malware, blocking deceptive apps, and setting clear user consent requirements when apps access onboard systems like a device's camera and location.
Early app stores were flooded with scams and services using questionable data practices, especially around subscriptions. These so-called "fleeceware" apps advertised themselves as free, then quietly converted users into expensive recurring subscriptions that are difficult to cancel. In 2018, for instance, TechCrunch highlighted a QR code reader that advertised itself as free but quietly enrolled users in a $156 per year subscription, briefly landing it among the App Store's top grossing apps.
Over time, Apple and Google responded by tightening their rules, stepping up human review, and adding automated scanning. Apple now reports that its App Store has prevented billions of dollars in fraudulent transactions in recent years and blocked millions of risky app submissions. Google's Play Protect scans hundreds of billions of apps per day, including app submissions to the Play Store, and blocks millions of apps and developer accounts that violate policies. These protections work because platforms have the ability to set strict app store rules, but by forcing platforms to treat unofficial apps and app stores on equal terms, the App Store Freedom Act would make that job harder and more complex.
Upending the U.S. app store security model
Much of the App Store Freedom Act is ripped from the interoperability section of Europe's DMA. Under this section, the European Commission decides which big tech companies count as "gatekeepers" by looking at their turnover inside the EU, market capitalization, and user thresholds, then imposes a set of rules on their "core platform services." Those obligations include allowing users to uninstall pre loaded apps, permitting installation of third party app stores, banning self preferential rankings, and requiring fair, reasonable, and non discriminatory terms for access to app stores and key technical interfaces. The App Store Freedom Act is narrower in scope, but the regulatory logic is the same.
Europe's experience under the DMA already shows how quickly a well-intentioned regulation can produce a messy, hard-to-manage safety environment. Earlier this year, EU iPhone users found that minors could install Hot Tub, a porn app, through a third-party app store called AltStore PAL. Because the app was installed via a third-party store, it bypassed Apple's parental controls.
The controversy highlighted the importance of user trust. Most users have come to understand that apps on an iPhone have gone through the same App Store screening, age-rating, and parental-control regime they've relied on for years. But the DMA undermined this assumption. Third-party apps pass only minimal checks on iPhones to ensure they are compatible with the device, bypassing the App Store's curated review. That gap between what users think an iPhone app means and what the platform can actually guarantee is an inevitable side effect of treating third-party app stores as interchangeable with the official store despite obvious differences in oversight and risk.
This serves as just one of the core reasons why these interoperability mandates risk undoing many of the hard-won improvements to the app-store ecosystem over the last decade. They don't abolish platform review entirely, but they do make it easier for riskier app stores, sideloaded apps, and third party payment systems to reach consumers without going through the same curated, tightly controlled channels that exist today. A platform can't offer the same level of privacy or safety when it's legally required to allow apps, app stores, and payment systems it can't fully vet.
The changes mandated by the App Store Freedom Act are not simply a matter of facilitating consumer choice. The bill's supporters suppose that individual smartphone users can choose to deactivate specific security features, but this is not how complex smartphone ecosystems work. Allowing this functionality at the user level forces mobile platforms to undermine ease of use and security features for all users. The sets of features sometimes called "walled gardens" have evolved from decades of mobile platforms responding in the market to what their consumers demand. Forcing down such walls would do nothing to enhance the "freedom" of app store customers.
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Nicole Shekhovtsova is a technology policy analyst at Reason Foundation.
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Original text here: https://reason.org/commentary/u-s-law-shouldnt-copy-europes-app-store-regulation/
Reason Foundation Issues Commentary: Ohio's Reckless Kratom Ban Could Create New Public Safety Concerns and Grow the Illegal Market
LOS ANGELES, California, Dec. 23 -- The Reason Foundation issued the following commentary:
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Ohio's reckless kratom ban could create new public safety concerns and grow the illegal market
By banning nearly every kratom product, save for unprocessed leaf kratom, the state has functionally outlawed the entire consumer market.
By Michelle Minton
The Ohio Board of Pharmacy issued an emergency ruling Dec. 12 banning most kratom products for 180 days, a misguided public health mistake that substitutes political panic for sound policy. The ruling imposes a sweeping de facto prohibition disguised
... Show Full Article
LOS ANGELES, California, Dec. 23 -- The Reason Foundation issued the following commentary:
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Ohio's reckless kratom ban could create new public safety concerns and grow the illegal market
By banning nearly every kratom product, save for unprocessed leaf kratom, the state has functionally outlawed the entire consumer market.
By Michelle Minton
The Ohio Board of Pharmacy issued an emergency ruling Dec. 12 banning most kratom products for 180 days, a misguided public health mistake that substitutes political panic for sound policy. The ruling imposes a sweeping de facto prohibition disguisedas a measured action on synthetic products. By banning nearly every kratom product, save for unprocessed leaf kratom, the state has functionally outlawed the entire consumer market. This will push the market underground, eliminate safe access for adults, and criminalize consumers across the state. Far from addressing legitimate safety concerns, the rule is likely to create new and more severe ones.
The ruling, issued at Gov. Mike DeWine's request, classifies "mitragynine-related compounds" as Schedule I controlled substances. This includes compounds derived from kratom, like 7-hydroxymitragynine (7-OH), whether synthetic or naturally occurring. The practical effect is that the rule bans not only synthetic kratom compounds, but also any processed kratom product on the market.
The rule's lone exemption is for mitragynine itself and "natural kratom in its vegetation form." In other words, the only kratom product now legal in Ohio is raw, unprocessed leaf--a form impractical for most consumers that represents a fraction of the existing consumer market. What DeWine has billed as a narrow ban on "synthetics" is, in reality, the elimination of the legal kratom industry in Ohio.
DeWine justified the ban by citing more than 200 Ohio overdose deaths since 2019 in which kratom played a role. Yet, toxicology reports consistently show these overdoses involve poly-drug use, most often with illicit opioids like fentanyl, benzodiazepines, or alcohol. Additionally, because managing opioid dependence is a common motivation cited by kratom users, its role in these overdose incidents is unclear.
Meanwhile, Ohio has seen a dramatic decline in overall overdose deaths even as kratom use has become more common. This correlation deserves scrutiny, not panic. For many adults, kratom serves as a less-risky alternative to illicit opioids and as a tool for managing both pain and opioid dependence. Criminalizing products that people with substance use disorder tell us they rely on to maintain abstinence will not make them safer. It will only push them toward the more dangerous options of illicit kratom supplies, which may be adulterated with substances like fentanyl, or toward illicit opioids, potentially increasing overdoses in the state.
The emergency prohibition on 7-OH and other kratom derivatives is an example of the "ratchet effect" we repeatedly see in drug policy, where fear and incomplete data lead to pre-emptive scheduling, which then paralyzes scientific research and halts the development of science-informed regulations. Once a substance is classified as Schedule I, studying its risks, benefits, or safe manufacturing standards becomes practically impossible.
DeWine is correct to consider the state's role in safeguarding public health from novel products and substances. But such decisions must be grounded in the full spectrum of evidence, including the testimony of thousands of Ohioans who use kratom and 7-OH responsibly for pain management and opioid withdrawal. Public policy should aim to reduce death, disease, and crime. An emergency prohibition will do the opposite, driving consumers toward dangerous, unregulated products or back to the illicit opioid supply.
If protecting public health is truly the goal, Ohio should pursue regulation, not prohibition. As with other adult substances, like alcohol and cannabis, the state can establish product safety standards, require accurate labeling and potency testing, maintain a system of registration for manufacturers and retailers, and restrict legal sales to adults. The Ohio Board of Pharmacy and the state legislature should look beyond emergency scheduling and embrace a regulatory approach that protects consumers through clarity, quality controls, and age gating--not through criminalization that invariably causes more harm than it prevents.
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Michelle Minton is the managing director of drug policy at Reason Foundation.
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Original text here: https://reason.org/commentary/ohios-reckless-kratom-ban-could-create-new-public-safety-concerns-and-grow-the-illegal-market/
Reason Foundation Issues Commentary: Examining the K-12 Open Enrollment Laws Passed in 2025
LOS ANGELES, California, Dec. 23 -- The Reason Foundation issued the following commentary:
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Examining the K-12 open enrollment laws passed in 2025
Three states--Arkansas, Nevada, and New Hampshire-significantly improved their open enrollment policies this year.
By Jude Schwalbach
Each year since 2021, state lawmakers have strengthened their open enrollment laws, which allow students to transfer to public schools other than their assigned schools. More than 22 million students, 45% of public school students nationwide, now live in states where school districts must participate in open
... Show Full Article
LOS ANGELES, California, Dec. 23 -- The Reason Foundation issued the following commentary:
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Examining the K-12 open enrollment laws passed in 2025
Three states--Arkansas, Nevada, and New Hampshire-significantly improved their open enrollment policies this year.
By Jude Schwalbach
Each year since 2021, state lawmakers have strengthened their open enrollment laws, which allow students to transfer to public schools other than their assigned schools. More than 22 million students, 45% of public school students nationwide, now live in states where school districts must participate in openenrollment so long as extra seats are open for students to transfer to.
In 2025, at least 99 open enrollment-related proposals were introduced across the country. Not all of them passed, but three states--Arkansas, Nevada, and New Hampshire-significantly improved their open enrollment policies this year.
Arkansas
Arkansas' new law was the most significant policy win because it requires all public school districts to participate in within-district open enrollment. Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders signed Senate Bill 624 and House Bill 1945, which ensured that students can transfer to any school with open seats in their district. It also codified robust transparency provisions at the state and local levels, requiring the Arkansas Department of Education to annually publish robust reports on open enrollment, while districts must now post their open enrollment policies and procedures on their websites. The new law also clarified that districts must inform rejected applicants of the reasons for their denial in writing. Arkansas received an A+ grade on Reason Foundation's annual open enrollment report, ranking 2nd nationwide.
These reforms built on those codified in the 2023 LEARNS Act. Now, Arkansas falls short of a perfect score on Reason Foundation's open enrollment best practices in just one way: Districts aren't required to post their available capacity by grade level on their websites. If Arkansas adopted this provision, it would be the first state to achieve a perfect score in Reason Foundation's open enrollment scoresheet.
Nevada
A bipartisan coalition passed Nevada Senate Bill 460, which was signed by Gov. Joe Lombardo, establishing a statewide within-district open enrollment policy. The law also incorporated robust transparency provisions, requiring the Nevada Department of Education to publish robust open enrollment reports each year and requiring districts to post their available capacity by grade level online.
Nevada can still make its policy more family-friendly by requiring school districts to post their policies and procedures on their websites, ensuring that applicants' families know when, where, and how to apply for transfers.
New Hampshire
New Hampshire Gov. Kelly Ayotte signed Senate Bill 97-FN, a statewide within-district policy, making it the 17th state to ensure that students can transfer to public schools with open seats within their district other than their assigned one.
This is an important step in the right direction; however, the state can do better. The lower chamber passed House Bill 741-FN, introduced by Rep. Genn Cordelli (R-7), that would have established a strong cross-district open enrollment policy and important transparency provisions at the state and local levels. If that bill had successfully passed the Senate, New Hampshire's open enrollment policy would have gotten an A- grade in Reason Foundation's analysis and would have ranked fifth best nationwide.
Oklahoma and South Carolina make minor improvements
Two other states, South Carolina and Oklahoma, also made small improvements to their open enrollment laws.
South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster signed Senate Bill 62, which required districts to post their open enrollment capacity on their websites, making the program more transparent and family-friendly. In Oklahoma,
Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt signed House Bill 2259, which ensures transfer students can remain at their enrolled school without renewing their application, eliminating cumbersome administrative barriers.
Other key open enrollment proposals of 2025
Seven other states' open enrollment proposals stood out in 2025 because they would've significantly improved their current policies for students and families. Unfortunately, none of them were signed into law.
Alaska
Alaska Gov. Mike Dulveny introduced mirror proposals-Senate Bill 82 and House Bill 76-which would have codified statewide cross- and within-district open enrollment policies, and codified important transparency provisions at the state and local levels.
If these reforms had passed, Alaska's grade in Reason's rankings would've improved from an F to an A-, ranking sixth nationwide. Alaska is one of the four states nationwide to score 0 points on Reason Foundation's scoresheet, as it doesn't even have weak open enrollment programs codified.
Georgia
Georgia Reps. Todd Jones (R-025) and Scott Hilton (R-048) introduced House Bill 917, which would have required all school districts to participate in cross-district open enrollment, improve transparency at the state and local levels, and ensured that students can transfer to any public school for free. If codified, it would have improved Georgia's score from an F to an A+, tying with Oklahoma for 1st place.
Michigan
Michigan House Bill 6292, introduced by Rep. Cam Cavitt (R-106), would have established a strong cross-district open enrollment policy under which student transfers couldn't be charged tuition. It would have also codified important transparency provisions at the state and local levels and ensured that applicants couldn't be discriminated against based on their ability or disability. If codified, Michigan's score would have improved from an F to a B, placing ninth overall in the Reason Foundation's best-practice rankings.
Missouri
Missouri state Sen. Curtis Trent (R-133) introduced Senate Bill 215, which would have established statewide cross- and within-district open enrollment policies, ensured that transfer students couldn't be charged tuition, and prohibited districts from discriminating against applicants based on their ability or disability. If codified, Missouri would have gotten an A- grade, ranking 5th nationwide.
Nebraska
In Nebraska, state Sen. Christy Armendariz (R-18) introduced Legislative Bill 557, which would have established a statewide within-district open enrollment policy, expanding the state's existing strong cross-district policy. It would have also ensured that districts couldn't discriminate against applicants based on their ability or disability. If codified, it would have improved the Cornhusker State's grade from a C+ to an A, tying with Arizona and West Virginia for third place in Reason Foundation's annual report.
Texas
Texas state Sen. Angela Paxton (R-89) introduced Senate Bill 686, which would have codified strong cross- and within-district open enrollment programs, guaranteed that transfers couldn't be charged tuition, and adopted robust transparency provisions at the state and local levels. If codified, Texas would have improved its open enrollment grade in Reason's report from an F to an A, ranking fifth overall.
Wyoming
Wyoming state Sen. Evie Brennan (R-31) introduced Senate File 109, which would have established a strong within-district open enrollment policy, improved transparency at the local level, and ensured that applicants couldn't be discriminated against because of their disabilities. It passed the Senate, but failed in the lower chamber. It would have improved Wyoming's open enrollment score in Reason's report from 35 to 50.
Conclusion
Overall, three states-Arkansas, Nevada, and New Hampshire-significantly improved their open enrollment laws during their 2025 legislative sessions.
To date, 16 states have statewide cross-district open enrollment laws, and 17 states have statewide within-district open enrollment laws.
More states may continue this trend in 2026. Some states have already indicated that improving open enrollment will be on the 2026 agenda.
In Mississippi, Lt. Governor Delbert Hosemann stated that the state Senate would support improvements to the cross-district open-enrollment policy. Meanwhile, in the lower chamber, Mississippi House Speaker Jason White said he'll make education freedom a legislative priority for 2026.
Similarly, the Missouri State Board of Education included open enrollment in its 2026 legislative priorities.
In New Hampshire, open enrollment will likely be a topic of discussion as two major decisions affected the state's policy. First, a new law now requires all school districts to participate in within-district open enrollment, significantly expanding students' schooling options. Plus, an October ruling by the state Supreme Court clarified that 80% of state and local funding must follow students who transfer schools in other districts, regardless of the home district's policy on open enrollment. Previously, some districts refused to pay any tuition for cross-district transfers because the district didn't participate in the open enrollment program. The new ruling, however, means that home districts must pay public school tuition for any student who participates in the state's weak cross-district open enrollment policy.
Moreover, open enrollment could gain traction in purple states or those that lean blue. The bipartisan coalition in Nevada that codified a statewide within-district open enrollment program could be a harbinger of what's to come in states where other school choice proposals have struggled.
A September 2025 EdChoice poll showed that open enrollment is supported by 75% of Democrats and 80% of Republicans with school-aged children. This polling indicates that support for strengthening open enrollment policies, allowing students to transfer to any public school with open seats, should be present in all states. During 2026, state lawmakers should expand and strengthen their open enrollment laws so students can attend public schools that are the right fit, regardless of where they live.
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Jude Schwalbach is a senior education policy analyst at Reason Foundation.
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Original text here: https://reason.org/commentary/examining-the-k-12-open-enrollment-laws-passed-in-2025/
Nemours Children's Hospital, Florida, Announces Partnership with Professional Tennis Star Madison Keys
JACKSONVILLE, Florida, Dec. 23 -- Nemours Foundation posted the following news release:
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Nemours Children's Hospital, Florida, Announces Partnership with Professional Tennis Star Madison Keys
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ORLANDO, Florida (December 23, 2025) Nemours Children's Hospital, Florida, today announced a two-year partnership with professional tennis powerhouse and reigning Australian Open Champion Madison Keys. She will serve as a Nemours Children's brand ambassador, working with the hospital's department of Orthopedics and Sports Medicine.
As a top 10-ranked tennis star, Keys appreciates the role sports
... Show Full Article
JACKSONVILLE, Florida, Dec. 23 -- Nemours Foundation posted the following news release:
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Nemours Children's Hospital, Florida, Announces Partnership with Professional Tennis Star Madison Keys
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ORLANDO, Florida (December 23, 2025) Nemours Children's Hospital, Florida, today announced a two-year partnership with professional tennis powerhouse and reigning Australian Open Champion Madison Keys. She will serve as a Nemours Children's brand ambassador, working with the hospital's department of Orthopedics and Sports Medicine.
As a top 10-ranked tennis star, Keys appreciates the role sportscan play in keeping children active as part of an overall healthy lifestyle. This partnership expands upon Nemours Children's ongoing role as an official medical provider at the U.S. Tennis Association (USTA) National Campus in Orlando.
"Our collaboration with Madison Keys is a testament to our shared commitment to improving the lives of children in our community and creating the healthiest generations of children through Whole Child Health," said Martha McGill, MBA, MHA, President, Nemours Children's Health, Central Florida. "As Central Florida's only licensed specialty children's hospital, by combining our passion for helping children and Madison's enthusiasm, we aim to enhance the lives of young patients and their families. Together, we can expand our impact in the communities we serve."
"Partnering with Nemours Children's Hospital, Florida, and working closely with their Department of Orthopedics and Sports Medicine truly means a lot to me," said Keys. "This collaboration goes beyond medicineit's about connecting with patients and the community, and sharing the importance of staying active, healthy, and confident in what your body can achieve."
"By working alongside such a well-respected athlete who shares our passion for children's well-being, we can make a lasting impact both on and off the court," said John Lovejoy, MD, Chair of Orthopedics and Sports Medicine for Nemours Children's Hospital, Florida. "As one of the nation's top-ranked pediatric orthopedic programs this collaboration is a natural extension of the support that we have long given the tennis community. We look forward to working with Madison to celebrate how tennis and sports can impact lifelong health, starting with children."
About Nemours Children's Health
Nemours Children's Health is one of the nation's largest multistate pediatric health systems, which includes two freestanding children's hospitals and a network of more than 70 primary and specialty care practices. Nemours Children's seeks to transform the health of children by adopting a holistic health model that utilizes innovative, safe, and high-quality care, while also addressing children's needs well beyond medicine. In producing the highly acclaimed, award-winning pediatric medicine podcast Well Beyond Medicine, Nemours underscores that commitment by featuring the people, programs and partnerships addressing whole child health. Nemours Children's also powers the world's most-visited website with health information written for parents, kids and teens, Nemours KidsHealth.
The Nemours Foundation, established through the legacy and philanthropy of Alfred I. duPont, provides pediatric clinical care, research, education, advocacy, and prevention programs to the children, families and communities it serves. For more information, visit Nemours.org.
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Original text here: https://nemours.mediaroom.com/MadisonKeys
Foundation for Economic Education Posts Commentary: Sharing the Wealth
DETROIT, Michigan, Dec. 23 -- The Foundation for Economic Education posted the following commentary:
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Sharing the Wealth
Spain's famous Christmas lottery unites entire communities.
By Mark Nayler
Today, the biggest lottery draw in the world will take place in Spain, with a total prize pool of EUR2.59 billion ($3 billion). Officially called the Sorteo Extraordinario de Navidad (Extraordinary Christmas Lottery), it is usually referred to as El Gordo, or "The Fat One," the Spanish name given to the biggest prize in any lottery. It's a huge part of the Christmas celebrations, in which an
... Show Full Article
DETROIT, Michigan, Dec. 23 -- The Foundation for Economic Education posted the following commentary:
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Sharing the Wealth
Spain's famous Christmas lottery unites entire communities.
By Mark Nayler
Today, the biggest lottery draw in the world will take place in Spain, with a total prize pool of EUR2.59 billion ($3 billion). Officially called the Sorteo Extraordinario de Navidad (Extraordinary Christmas Lottery), it is usually referred to as El Gordo, or "The Fat One," the Spanish name given to the biggest prize in any lottery. It's a huge part of the Christmas celebrations, in which anestimated 70-90% of Spaniards participate, each spending an average of EUR70 ($82).
Unlike major British, European and American lotteries, in which individuals "compete" against each other for a massive jackpot, El Gordo is about community. People play togetheras co-workers, regulars at a bar, members of clubs and teams, or even as entire neighborhoods (my local tobacconist has a sign in the window urging people not to miss out on the " numero del barrio Santiago "). Its raffle-style system creates thousands of winners rather than just one; hence El Gordo 's slogan: "The greatest prize is sharing."
As a result, the top prize of EUR4 million ($4.7 million) is dwarfed by those of other lotteries, such as the $2.04 billion won by Californian Edwin Castro in 2022's Powerball, or the EUR250 million ($291 million) pocketed by three anonymous winners in this year's Euromillions. But whereas the odds of winning either of those jackpots are 1 in 192 million and 1 in 139 million, respectively, you have a 1 in 100,000 chance of winning El Gordo (although it's still more likely that you'll be struck by lightning).
Every ticket, or billete, in Spain's Christmas lottery carries a unique five-digit number, from 00000 to 99999. Because there are only 100,000 combinations, each billete is printed in multiple editions or "series": in 2024 there were 193 seriesi.e., 193 physical editions of each of the 100,000 tickets bearing a unique number. A full billete costs EUR200, but each one is divided into ten smaller tickets known as decimos (tenths) and priced at EUR20, which is what most people buy. In 2024, the EUR4 million El Gordo was paid out 193 times, meaning that all of the 1,930 people who had bought a decimo won EUR400,000 each. The second prize is worth EUR1,250,000, so each of those 193 decimos was worth EUR125,000and so on, down to hundreds of smaller prizes known as la pedrea ("the stones" or "the pebbles").
One quirk of El Gordo is that a single numberin some or all of its seriesis often sold at just one location. Last year, the winning ticket of 72480 was sold entirely in the northern city of Logrono, capital of the wine-making Rioja region, and all of the fifth and sixth prize-winning billetes had been purchased from two kiosks in Madrid. Sometimes a big win can transform the economic situation of a community, especially in the south, where unemployment is a persistent problem. In 2016, in Pinos Puente near Granada, 451 decimos of the second prize-winning ticket paid out EUR125,000 eacha massive boost to a town in which 29% of the population was out of work.
El Gordo is the world's second longest-running lottery, behind the Netherlands' Staatsloterji, which started in 1726. It was first held on December 18, 1812, in the southwestern city of Cadiz, the home of Spain's government-in-exile during the Napoleonic Wars. Though it raised much-needed money for cannons and bullets, some thought it morally questionable. Agustin de Arguelles, a member of the national congress, claimed that it "would be desirable to adopt more decent means... to sustain public necessities because the lottery, raffles and other games are resources that conspire with immorality and, as a consequence, are incompatible with the virtuous character that should be what distinguishes Spaniards in the future." Arguelles's fears proved unfounded: over two centuries on, El Gordo is surely one of the most wholesome instances of mass-gambling on the planet.
After Spain emerged victorious against Napoleonic France in 1814, the Christmas lottery's headquarters were moved from Cadiz to Madrid, where they've remained ever since. This much-loved tradition even continued throughout Spain's 1936-39 Civil War, during which each side held its own draw. Lottery politics erupted again in 2014, when Catalonia's pro-independence government set up its own rival to El Gordo, naming it La Grossa (Catalan for "The Fat Woman"). La Grossa 's draw is held on December 31, and the most coveted of its 80,000 numbers is 01714a reference to September 11, 1714, when Philip V won the War of Spanish Succession and imposed rule on Catalonia from Madrid (Catalans also celebrate their National Day on September 11).
Part of El Gordo 's continued appeal lies in the draw itself, which since 1957 has been televised. Two spherical gold cages are placed on the stage of the capital's Teatro Royal, in one of which are 100,000 balls with the ticket numbers, in the other 1,087 balls bearing the prize amounts. Each time a pair of balls is released in front of the live audience, the number and amount are sung outin a hypnotic, chant-like cadenceby two pupils from Madrid's San Ildefonso school. Suspense is generated by the fact that you never know when the Gordo itself will be sung out: it could be the very first number, or the last in a process that takes several hours. So deeply-rooted is this tradition that San Ildefonso pupils were exempted from 2015 legislation passed to protect minors from gambling advertising campaigns.
The flipside of El Gordo 's communal aspect, of course, is that someone risks being left outand I've seen this happen. My parents live in Villanueva de la Concepcion, a rural village near Malaga with a population of about 3,500. At lunchtime on December 22, 2015, we went down to the main square for a drink to find people popping bottles of champagne, dancing, and singing. We soon learned that a local collective of about 50 people had bought 150 decimos of the winning number, bagging EUR60 million between them. Several won the top decimo prize of EUR400,000.
A couple of local bar owners were amongst the luckiest onesbut not, as it turned out, the bad-tempered one who was serving us. SalvadorSalvi to his localshad declined to participate, probably to save a bit of money at an expensive time of year. I don't think he's ever recovered. Sharing might be the greatest prize for El Gordo 's victors; but for losers it's the cruelest punishment.
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Mark Nayler is a freelance journalist based in Malaga, Spain, and writes regularly for The Spectator and Foreign Policy on politics and culture.
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Original text here: https://fee.org/articles/sharing-the-wealth/
Foundation for Economic Education Issues Commentary: Values in the Market
DETROIT, Michigan, Dec. 23 -- The Foundation for Economic Education posted the following commentary:
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Values in the Market
By Kimberlee Josephson
What 'Love Actually' teaches us about buyer-business relationships.
Love Actually has become a beloved holiday classic precisely because it captures the messy, often contradictory nature of human relationships. The film's intersecting storylines show just how essential trust isand how devastating its absence can be. Few scenes hit harder than the moment Karen (Emma Thompson) puts on the Joni Mitchell album her husband Harry (Alan Rickman) gave
... Show Full Article
DETROIT, Michigan, Dec. 23 -- The Foundation for Economic Education posted the following commentary:
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Values in the Market
By Kimberlee Josephson
What 'Love Actually' teaches us about buyer-business relationships.
Love Actually has become a beloved holiday classic precisely because it captures the messy, often contradictory nature of human relationships. The film's intersecting storylines show just how essential trust isand how devastating its absence can be. Few scenes hit harder than the moment Karen (Emma Thompson) puts on the Joni Mitchell album her husband Harry (Alan Rickman) gaveher, after discovering that the expensive necklace she found in his pocket earlier wasn't intended for her but for another woman. The other woman, Mia (Heike Makatsch), is an office assistant at Harry's workplace and she persistently makes her interests known, with Harry succumbing to the desire to please her.
When Corporate Messaging Collides with Human Imperfection
What's most striking about Harry and Mia's storyline, in my opinion, isn't the affair itself but the setting in which it unfolds. Although it is never called out directly, the signage and decor of their office denote that the organization has an interest in social matters. Roughly six minutes into the movie, it shows Collin Frissell (Kris Marshall) walking up to a building that has a banner with the company name Fairtrade Co. Ltd. outside. And, as he walks about the office making deliveries and attempting to flirt with Mia, you can briefly catch phrases on the wall which say "Shopping that saves lives" and "Help shoulder their burden."
Now, given that I have been critical of companies that focus on signaling their virtue, rather than value, and I've expressed concerns regarding firms that emphasize ethical certification over wealth creation, it is probably not surprising that the social orientation of the company caught my eye. The irony is hard to miss: Harry and Mia work for an agency that promotes good intentionsbut their own actions fall short of doing so. And as with many things, art imitates life. A firm can wrap itself in altruistic messaging, but at the end of the day, every organization is made up of individuals with their own incentives, values, and failings.
Individuals, Incentives, and the Marketplace
Ludwig von Mises understood the central role individuals play in the marketplace, and his praxeological approach highlights that human action is always purposefuleven when it appears to run counter to societal expectations or organizational goals. "The market economy," according to Mises, "is a system of social cooperation," and the course of transactions and relationships ultimately reflects the intentions, incentives, and decisions of the individuals involved.
Recently, in a course I teach, we briefly discussed Douglas McGregor's framework which positions managerial styles to fall into two categories: Theory X and Theory Y. Theory X managers view employees in a negative light, wherein workers need to be coerced to complete tasks. Theory Y managers assume that employees are engaged, and enjoy working and taking on new responsibilities. I tell my students, if I were a Theory X professor, pop quizzes would be commonplace, and if I were a Theory Y professor, I wouldn't question the use of their laptops and there would be no need for exams. Now clearly, these are extremes, but understanding how to incentivize and motivate employees, along with providing guardrails for company activities, is an important aspect of management. Mission statements, codes of conduct, and reporting structures exist for a reason: they provide clarity about goals, expectations, and responsibilities.
Managers can help shape employee behavior, but businesses have far less control over the actions of customers, clients, and outside partners. Returning to Love Actually, Hugh Grant (playing the Prime Minister) must welcome Billy Bob Thornton (portraying the US President) out of diplomatic necessityuntil the President's arrogance forces him to draw a line. The bounds of a relationship are built on trust, and the marketplace works the same way.
Companies cater to customer interests, but the degree of trust between both sides ultimately shapes how a transaction unfolds. I was reminded of this during a recent pickup at my local Kohl's. I was struck by how frictionless the process was. I received a notification and a bin number, walked into the store, grabbed my bagged purchase from the designated cubby, and walked right out. No check-in. No scanning. No employee oversight. I couldn't help but wonder: What would happen if someone took the wrong bag? Or deliberately walked off with someone else's purchase? The system works only because Kohl's assumes that most customers will behave honestly and are comfortable with the grab-and-go method.
Compare that to my nearby Walmart, where I need an associate to unlock the case containing Lego sets. Two retailers, two different assumptions about customer behavior and views of the type of oversight neededand therefore two very different shopping experiences.
These contrasts illustrate a broader point: If we want more open shelves, smoother pickups, and fewer barriers in retail and beyond, we must remember that trust is not just something we demand from companies; it is something they must extend to us as well. And trust, whether in commerce or in everyday life, is a fragile thingeasy to fracture and difficult to rebuild.
A Marketplace Built on Mutual Responsibility
The most memorable moments in Love Actually are the ones in which characters extend goodwill despite uncertainty, revealing how meaningful trust becomes precisely when vulnerability is involved. Business transactions rely on a similar dynamic. Every seamless checkout, generous return policy, or unmonitored pickup represents a small extension of faith from companies to consumers. And those conveniences can vanish quickly if that faith is abused.
Ultimately, the relationship between buyers and businesses should be understood as a mutually beneficial partnership. Company success hinges on the ability to deliver genuine valuebecause, as Peter Drucker famously observed, "the purpose of business is to create and keep a customer." But that value can only be delivered when customers participate in good faith, honoring the systems that make modern retail fast, open, and affordable.
Good firms strive to serve customers, not work against them. And good customers contribute to an environment where such service is viable. When both sides respect the relationship, the marketplace functions as it should : cooperatively, efficiently, and in a way that benefits everyone involved. It's a delicate balanceone that depends heavily on reputation and the trust that underpins it. As Warren Buffett reminds us, "It takes twenty years to build a reputation and five minutes to ruin it. If you think about that, you'll do things differently."
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Dr. Kimberlee Josephson is an Associate Professor of Business at Lebanon Valley College in Annville, Pennsylvania, and a Research Fellow for the Consumer Choice Center. Her academic background is in international studies and strategic management and she teaches courses covering topics on global sustainability, international marketing, and workplace diversity.
Prior to serving in academia, her professional career spanned from working in sales in Manhattan, as a producer for a web marketing firm, freelancing for on-air promotions at QVC, and as a research assistant for an international NGO. Her op-eds have appeared at University Business, Quartz at Work, and PA Capital Star. She holds a doctorate in Global Studies and Commerce from La Trobe University in Australia, a master's degree in Political Science from Temple University in Philadelphia, another master's degree in International Policy from La Trobe University, and a bachelor's degree in Business Administration with a minor in Political Science from Bloomsburg University.
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Original text here: https://fee.org/articles/values-in-the-market/
Conservation Law Foundation: Trump Administration Moves to Pause Offshore Wind Leases
BOSTON, Massachusetts, Dec. 23 -- The Conservation Law Foundation issued the following news release:
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Trump Administration Moves to Pause Offshore Wind Leases
Despite losing in court, administration again attacks jobs, industry, clean energy
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The Trump administration is trying again to halt the development of clean, affordable energy, putting in jeopardy thousands of jobs in New England and undermining the regulatory certainty that private investment across all industries depends on to develop major projects. The Department of the Interior has announced it is pausing leases for offshore
... Show Full Article
BOSTON, Massachusetts, Dec. 23 -- The Conservation Law Foundation issued the following news release:
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Trump Administration Moves to Pause Offshore Wind Leases
Despite losing in court, administration again attacks jobs, industry, clean energy
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The Trump administration is trying again to halt the development of clean, affordable energy, putting in jeopardy thousands of jobs in New England and undermining the regulatory certainty that private investment across all industries depends on to develop major projects. The Department of the Interior has announced it is pausing leases for offshorewind projects along the East Coast, including several in New England that are already near completion. Conservation Law Foundation (CLF) released the following statement in response.
"This is a desperate rerun of the Trump administration's failed attempt to kill offshore wind - an effort the courts have already rejected," said Kate Sinding Daly, senior vice president for law and policy at CLF. "Many of these clean energy projects passed years of rigorous review, were upheld in court, and are moving forward. Trying again to halt these projects tramples on the rule of law, threatens jobs, and deliberately sabotages a critical industry that strengthens, not weakens, America's energy security. At a time when climate change itself poses one of the greatest national security threats we face, blocking clean energy projects is reckless and dangerous."
Just last week, a federal judge issued a final judgment that formally invalidates the Trump administration's moratorium on wind energy permitting. CLF and other environmental groups filed a legal brief in that case, State of New York v. Trump, in support of state and industry efforts to overturn the moratorium.
CLF is reviewing the department's announcement and determining next steps.
CLF experts are available for further comment.
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Original text here: https://www.clf.org/newsroom/trump-administration-moves-to-pause-offshore-wind-leases/
